fighting for the truth

Murray Rothbard was always so gentle in his disagreement with his mentor, Ludwig von Mises.

  1. They disagreed on natural rights;
  2. they disagreed on the necessity of the State; and
  3. they disagreed on foreign policy (based, I suspect, on disagreements #1 and #2)

What might seem at first to be the least significant is (4) their disagreement on the best strategy for educating the public:

Mises’s [turn-of-the-century] article on the gold standard proved highly controversial. He called for a de jure return in Austria-Hungary to gold redemption as a logical conclusion of the existing de facto policy of redeemability. In addition to running up against advocates of inflation, lower interest rates, and lower exchange rates, Mises was surprised to face ferocious opposition by the central bank, the Austro-Hungarian Bank. In fact, the Bank’s Vice-President hinted at a bribe to soften Mises’s position. A few years later, Mises was informed by Bohm-Bawerk, then Minister of Finance, of the reason for the vehemence of the Bank’s opposition to his proposal for a legal gold standard. Legal redemption in gold would probably deprive the Bank of the right to invest funds in foreign currencies. But the Bank had long used proceeds from these investments to amass a secret and illegal slush fund, from which to pay subventions to its own officials, as well as to influential journalists and politicians. The Bank was keen on retaining the slush fund, and so it was fitting that Mises’s most militant opponent was the publisher of an economic periodical who was himself a recipient of Bank subsidies.

Mises came to a decision, which he pursued for the rest of his career in Austria, not to reveal such corruption on the part of his enemies, and to confine himself to rebutting fallacious doctrine without revealing their sources. But in taking this noble and self-abnegating position, by acting as if his opponents were all worthy men and objective scholars, it might be argued that Mises was legitimating them and granting them far higher stature in the public debate than they deserved. Perhaps, if the public had been informed of the corruption that almost always accompanies government intervention, the activities of the statists and inflationists might have been desanctified, and Mises’s heroic and lifelong struggle against statism might have been more successful. In short, perhaps a one-two punch was needed: refuting the economic fallacies of Mises’s statist enemies, and also showing the public their self-interested stake in government privilege.

That’s from Ludwig von Mises: Scholar, Creator, Hero, which we’re running as the weekend edition to celebrate the 125th anniversary of Mises’s birth.

What appears at first to be either a difference in personal style or a minor difference of opinion on strategy is in fact a critical difference in understanding

  1. how the academic profession works;
  2. how the political class works; and
  3. how history works.

The Viennese Austrians had a very different view of truth and progress than did the scrappy New Yorker who would carry the Austrian School into the second half of the 20th century (and into the 21st century, thanks to the institute he helped found). Rothbard’s most significant strategic insight, the one behind the founding first of the Cato Institute and later the Mises Institute, is that the truth has to be fought for tooth and nail. The progress of ideas does not advance by the linear Whig Theory of History or even the zigzag advancement of Hegelian dialectic. True to the insights of philosophical and methodological individualism, Rothbard saw that human beings are perfectly capable of screwing things up through bad thinking and bad decisions. There is no guarantee that the truth will out, certainly not in the short run.

Rothbard again:

Unlike their successful enemies, such as Schmoller and Lujo Brentano, and even Wieser, neither Menger nor Bohm-Bawerk saw the academic arena as a political battlefield to be conquered. Hence, in contrast to their opponents, they refused to promote their own disciples or followers, or to block the appointment of their enemies. In fact, Bohm-Bawerk leaned even further backward to urge the appointments of sworn enemies of himself and of the Austrian School. This curious form of self-abnegation helped to torpedo Mises’s or any similar academic appointment. Menger and Bohm apparently insisted on the naive view that truth will always win out, unaided, not realizing that this is hardly the way truth ever wins out in the academic or any other arena. Truth must be promoted, organized, and fought for as against error. Even if we can hold the faith that truth, unaided by strategy or tactics, will win out in the long run, it is unfortunately an excruciatingly long run in which all too many of us — certainly including Mises — will be dead. Yet, Menger adopted the ruinous strategic view that “there is only one sure method for the final victory of a scientific idea, by letting every contrary proposition run a free and full course.”

Joe Salerno starts with Rothbard’s insight and takes it further in his history of the French Liberal School.

Bastiat’s school didn’t fade away; neither did it lose in honest competition with rival schools of thought. The French liberals made the fatal error of recruiting the French government into their effort to promote economic literacy. The result, of course, is that the French government promoted social democrats and legal positivists. Where the French liberals had been the leading economists in a nation without any official university economics departments, they became outsiders in a statist profession — a profession they had dirtied their hands to create.

To summarize:

  1. Rothbard’s first insight is that the truth must be fought for.
  2. His corollary insight is that a school of thought needs institutional support.
  3. Salerno’s emphasis (one I’m sure Rothbard championed) is that the State will never help advance economic truth, since the truth is greatly to the disadvantage of the political class.

In his tribute today, George Reisman writes, “Mises is important because his teachings are necessary to the preservation of material civilization.” That may sound like hyperbole, but it isn’t. Bad theory can destroy civilization if the bad theory is about what creates or destroys civilization.
I didn’t begin this post as an apologia for the Mises Institute, but apparently that’s where these observations have led me. I consider myself lucky to be able to spend my days doing something I enjoy. And I feel even luckier to spend them doing something I consider important. But I don’t quite know how to describe the growing sense I have that what we’re doing might well be the most important work there is to be done: battling the forces, malicious nor not, of destruction and decivilization.

5th anniversary

Today is our 5th wedding anniversary, our first anniversary spent with our son, and the official end of the 5-year term we had on the prenuptial agreement we never got around to signing. (We negotiated the terms, paid a lawyer to vet our agreement and write it up as a contract, and then we sort of shrugged and each said, “I trust you.”)

Whenever I want to know how long we’ve been married, I calculate the age of Ludwig von Mises (September 29, 1881 – October 10, 1973) and I subtract 120 …

Here’s my anniversary blog post from 2 years ago:

everything bad that begins with an A


This is probably the single hardest thing to communicate to anticapitalists:

“Mises demonstrated that competition under capitalism is of an entirely different character than competition in the animal kingdom. It is not a competition for scarce, nature-given means of subsistence, but a competition in the positive creation of new and additional wealth, from which all gain.”

the Petrov incident

Have you ever had the feeling after a near-miss accident, when it’s all over and you know you’re safe and then you start to shake?

That’s how I feel about this Petrov incident, which an old friend just brought to my attention:

Stanislav Yefgrafovich Petrov (born c. 1939) is a retired Russian Army colonel who, on September 26, 1983, averted a potential nuclear war by refusing to believe that the United States had launched missiles against the USSR, despite the indications given by his computerized early warning systems. The Soviet computer reports were later shown to have been in error, and Petrov is credited with preventing World War III and the devastation of much of the Earth by nuclear weapons. Because of military secrecy and international policy, Petrov’s actions were kept secret until 1998.

It happened a few weeks after the Soviets shot down Korean Air Flight 007, killing all 269 people onboard. I remember those weeks very vividly. In my very politically active high school, we were more and more worried about the Cold War and the eventuality of nuclear holocaust. One of the few political drives I don’t regret from that era was the call for unilateral nuclear disarmament. I didn’t know at the time that Rothbard was with us because I didn’t yet know who Rothbard was.


As I’ve already mentioned, the K in BK stands for Knatz, my original family name. In America, the K is silent, so it’s now pronounced like Gnats. In Germany, it’s still pronounced Knatz.

My father recently received this email from a previously unknown distant relative:

Ludwig Knatz(*1914-1995) married my Granny Ruth Erhardt in 1944, who lived in a small village (Willerstedt, near the city of Weimar) in the federal-state of Germany called Thuringia, where he came to in 2nd World War. [...] The two “boys” and their families are still named “Knatz”.

I also don’t know, where the name Knatz comes from. Indeed, to be”knatzig” is a German dialect-expression for someone, who is kind of “odd fish” or “crotchety”, as far as I can translate this. And “knartzen” means this squeaking-door-expression. But, I also think, that it might be rooted in “Ignatz” or “Ignatius”. Maybe by ledgend, this guy was a bit like a squeaking door?!

But, in fact, the word/name “Ignatz” often appears connteced with jewish people, too. But I don’t have any information about that. And as far as I know none of my relatives was Jewish (but, as you will know, there was a time in Germany, when being Jewish was not so favorable, so I cannot be sure about that). I only know, that the Knatz family in Niedenstein used to be simple workers, craftsmen and farmers. I once saw, where the old family-house was standing, but as I remember it is not existing anymore. Some other Knatz people should still live there or nearby.


After the NYC Mises Circle, Tom Woods blogged:

Toward the end of his talk, Joe Salerno described the potential for a ‘praxeology of war,’ and discussed specific measures people can take to cripple the state’s ability to carry on a particular war. This is definitely an mp3 worth listening to when these talks are posted, since Professor Salerno has identified an interesting and original research paradigm for the future.

Well, the mp3 is posted and it really is amazing:

War and Inflation: The Monetary Process and Implications Joseph T. Salerno [30 min] Presented at the Mises Circle in Manhattan: The Fed and War Finance (16 September 2006, University Club, New York, NY). [29:44]

barking cat fallacy

Like any good Rothbardian, I’ve made my criticisms of Milton Friedman.

He is a radical libertarian’s greatest challenge because he gives the mainstream someone to dismiss as radical without ever having to confront real libertarian radicalism.

They love to say, “Well even Milton Friedman admits that the State needs to do such-and-such…”

And of course, he is the kept intellectual of central banking and the ideological enemy of all goldbugs, whom he considers fetishists.

Worst of all, we can combine my two complaints into one big whammy: “Even Milton Friedman admits that the Great Depression was caused by too little government intervention!”


Having said that however, I’m quite grateful to him for 3 things, all from the book Free To Choose:

  1. Chapter 7, “Who Protects the Consumer?”
  2. Chapter 8, “Who Protects the Worker?”
  3. The following paragraph:
    What would you think of someone who said, “I would like to have a cat provided it barked”? Your statement that you favor a government provided it behaves as YOU believe desirable is precisely equivalent. The political principles that determine the behavior of government agencies once they are established are no less rigid than the biological principles that determine the characteristics of cats. The way the government behaves and its adverse consequences are not an accident, not a result of some easily corrected human mistake, but a consequence of its nature in precisely the same way that a meow is a consequence of the nature of a cat.

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worst … president … ever!

Gary North treats the word ‘liberal’ with great disrespect and the word ‘conservative’ with plenty of respect — as if the mid-20th-century use of those terms was timeless.

He insists that George Dubya Bush is not really a conservative, but he has no problem calling the 1930s admirers of German and Italian fascism “liberals” without modifier or qualification.

Other than this one very annoying pattern (and he does make up for it somewhat by showing respect for the term ‘libertarian’), his analysis of how the history books treat presidents in general, and how they will treat George Bush Junior specifically, is really wonderful:

“Why Bush Will Become the Textbooks’ Worst President”

the perverse joys of being an ex-househusband


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