living on the margin

fadingbulldozersI guess I live on several margins. We all do. All of life as we know it evolved on the margin of fire and ice, rock and vacuum, land and water, and on and on. When most people say "margin" today, they tend to mean the economic margin between survival and starvation, or the margin between socially acceptable and unacceptable.

But the margin I’m aware of living on this morning is the city-zoning margin between residential and industrial. (I also live on the residential margin between rich and poor, but that’s for another post.)

There are two main roads out of my neighborhood, uphill and downhill. One is lined with tended gardens, large front lawns (and, as I’ve learned from the satellite views of Google Maps, much, much larger backyards) and half-million-dollar houses. The other road descends to the riverside, where the construction companies and warehouses are still allowed to set up shop. Read more of this post

paternalism as a trade-off

Triumph of the City

"The average man doesn’t want to be free. He wants to be safe." – H.L. Mencken, The Sage of Baltimore

"Sell not virtue to purchase wealth, nor Liberty to purchase power." – Benjamin Franklin, Poor Richard’s Almanack (1738; often paraphrased as "Those who sacrifice liberty for security deserve neither.")

Edward Glaeser makes an interesting argument for political centralization in The Triumph of the City. He’s aware that many of us feel that “[t]here is a lot to dislike in political systems that lodge too little power in local hands” but, he insists, “the right answer isn’t complete autonomy, either.”

Read more of this post

medieval weather

Snow20121229I remember blizzards in Manhattan in the 1970s, when several feet of snow would bring the city to a standstill. For the first day after the storm, you could see sleds and cross-country skiers in the middle of the streets, no cars in sight — except for their outlines under the snow.

The city recovered quickly, but I enjoyed that sense of being out of time, of life (and especially school!) being suspended. This comes back to me as I read James Burke’s The Day the Universe Changed, in which he describes how life reshaped itself as Europe left the Middle Ages:

Without calendars and clocks or written records, the passage of time was marked by memorable events. In villages it was, of course, identified by seasonal activity: “When the woodcock fly,” “At harvest time,” and so on. Country people were intensely aware of the passage of the year. But between these seasonal cues, time, in the modern sense, did not exist.

Not only did the weather determine our awareness of time; it determined almost everything about our lives:

Throughout the entire history of man until 1720, the number of people alive at any time in any society was ultimately dictated by the weather. In good weather and full harvest, people ate more and were healthier. They produced more children, because they expected them to be able to survive in the clement temperature. When the population became too big for the land to support, either more land was cleared and planted, or the food supply became marginal. Whichever was the case, the next time the weather turned bad, the fall in crop levels would cause widespread famine and death. In turn the succeeding generation married later and had fewer children, so there were fewer mouths to feed. Fewer people would work the land and output would fall again, until the return of good weather.

The Day the Universe ChangedBy the 20th century, the weather had become a circumstance within our lives instead of the overwhelming factor determining them:

Above all, our lives are no longer totally controlled by nature. In general we do not suffer the cycle of feast and famine brought by the vagaries of the seasons. We control nature, with power far beyond what it can muster against us.

But in the Catskill Mountains, at the close of 2012, I’m feeling much less in control of nature, despite the heat and electricity and hot and cold running water. I’ve made two trips down and back up the mountain recently, first to get my mother-in-law from the airport and then, a week later, to return her there so she can fly to France. She had scheduled her flights well in advance so that our timing would allow me to drive back up the mountain before dark. Just before she arrived, it had rained so much in the Catskills that the creeks and rivers were overflowing. As I drove down the mountain road to get her from the airport, there were waterfalls where there’s usually only rock face. Some of the waterfalls were pouring down onto the only road, a curvy cliff-side route that I’m cautious driving on under the best of circumstances. (As I approached the Albany airport, the clouds parted, and I saw, over the runway, the largest, brightest, most vivid rainbow I’ve ever seen.)

The worst of Hurricane Sandy passed us by, but we know fellow homeschoolers who were without power for weeks. They seemed to take it in stride. This aspect of the rural mindset is still alien to me. Without power, how do you charge your Kindle?

With Christmas over, it’s time for us to return to (slightly) warmer climes, but now winter storm "Freyr" is laughing at our arrogance in thinking we get to plan the timing of our comings and goings. I’m happy that all my gadgets are working, but I do feel a bit like the weather’s plaything.

against scientism

Do we see signs of Austrianism in Egyptology and marketing?

I don’t think Barbara Mertz is a praxeologist, by which I mean that I don’t assume she would accept the claims of a priori laws concerning social phenomena, but she certainly shares Mises’s methodological dualism.

After a discussion of some standard causal theories about the rise and decline of civilization, Mertz concludes,

This has been a very superficial, limited probing of some of the types of problems we encounter when we talk about causes in history. We have not even settled the important question of whether there are causes. Yet we will probably go right on looking for them, and talking about them. The intellectual climate of our own era asks for explanations. We would like, if we could, to reduce all phenomena to systems of logical sequence. In part this is the effect of the prestige of the physical sciences, and this effect is not always for the good. History may be “scientific” in its approach, and the social studies may be “social sciences” in the sense that they apply dispassionate, critical, and rigorously logical analyses to the subjects of their discourse. But the disciplines that deal with man and his peculiar affairs cannot expect to use the methods, or anticipate the results, of the physical sciences. The human experiment will not reproduce itself under laboratory conditions; we can never control our specimens to such a degree that we can isolate a pertinent stimulus or determine a specific conclusion. My personal antipathy toward the use of the term “scientific” in the humanistic disciplines is that the very application of the word sometimes suggests to the user that such isolation and such determination are possible. Sometimes I wish they were.

We have a more personal need, in our time, to dissect the past in search of its pathology, for according to some historians our own culture is showing disturbing signs of disease. However you define the developmental stages of civilization, and upon what ever step you put us here, in this twenty-first century of the Christian Era, it seems unlikely that we are at the beginning of a process. This leaves us with the dismal possibility that we may be nearing the end. If so, it behooves us to discover, insofar as we are able, where we are, and why. If there are universal causes, and if we are able to see them plainly, we may learn how to avoid their more disastrous consequences.

That is one of the reasons why we look for reasons. Whether we have any grounds for supposing that we will find them is another question. At the moment, it appears that our only recourse, if we are about to fall, is to go down gracefully.

Barbara Mertz, Temples, Tombs, and Hieroglyphs: A Popular History of Ancient Egypt

While Barbara Mertz’s may or may not agree with Ludwig von Mises’s approach to theory and history, ad man Rory Sutherland is openly Austrian, at least enough to give a marketing presentation called “Praxeology: Time to Rediscover a Lost Science”:

Jeffrey Tucker says, “This is, very truly, one of the most interesting lectures I’ve ever heard.” I have to agree.

biting the invisible hand that feeds us

For this one, I’ll just quote the opening paragraph:

If you haven’t listened to it, this talk by Jeffrey Tucker on “How to Improve Society” is excellent. He points out a phenomenon that a lot of us don’t really notice but that reveals itself as madness once you think about it. We venerate politicians and government officials, even going so far as to call them “public servants,” when most of their activity is wasteful, destructive, or superfluous. A lot of people vilify entrepreneurs and producers, even going so far as to call them “parasites,” when most of their activity is is what feeds us, clothes us, shelters us, warms us, and teaches us. We bite the hands that feed us while we kiss the hands that choke us.

Read the whole thing: “Making the World a Better Place” by Art Carden

reactionary or naive

A blog post from Mises.org that is worth quoting in full (and one that deserves to be spread around):

More freedom, less crime

December 23, 2010 by Edward Stringham

Since Walter Block (my most excellent college professor) and coauthors James Gwartney and Robert Lawson put together the Economic Freedom of the World Report fifteen years ago, economists continue to find that economic freedom is associated with many good things. But do these positives come at the expense of bad outcomes such as violence and crime? Sociologists Wenger and Bonomo write that “The relationship between crime and the terminal crisis of capitalism has become the subject of considerable debate….[But] the debate does not concern the role of capitalism in producing crime—to all but the reactionary or the naïve, such questions have long been settled.”

Noam Chomsky also wrote that, “there are consistent libertarians, people like Murray Rothbard– and if you just read the world that they describe, it’s a world so full of hate that no human being would want to live in it.” This runs contrary to economists such as Frederic Bastiat or Murray Rothbard himself who argue that the market creates a harmony of interests.

Who is right? In recently published The 2010 Economic Freedom of the World Annual report, John Levendis and I have a chapter that looks at international data and that finds countries with more economic freedom actually have significantly lower rates of homicide. Touché Chomsky!

Not only do classical liberals have well-thought-out theories of why markets increase peaceful interaction, but their theories are consistent with the facts. If the relationship holds, one of the best ways to decrease crime is to move towards laissez-faire. Read all about it in our article: “The Relationship Between Economic Freedom and Homicide.”

Edward Stringham, Hackley Endowed Chair for Capitalism and Free Enterprise Studies, Fayetteville State University

unclean

Here’s an important revision of the history of hygiene, from Bill Bryson’s At Home: A Short History of Private Life:

It would not be easy to find a statement on hygiene more wrong, or at least more incomplete, than this one by the celebrated architectural critic Lewis Mumford in his classic work The City in History, published in 1961:

For thousands of years city dwellers put up with defective, often quite vile, sanitary arrangements, wallowing in rubbish and filth they certainly had the power to remove, for the occasional task of removal could hardly have been more loathsome than walking and breathing in the constant presence of such ordure. If one had any sufficient explanation of this indifference to dirt and odor that are repulsive to many animals, even pigs, who take pains to keep themselves and their lairs clean, one might also have a clue to the slow and fitful nature of technological improvement itself, in the five millennia that followed the birth of the city.

In fact, as we have already seen with Skara Brae in Orkney, people have been dealing with dirt, rubbish, and wastes, often surprisingly effectively, for a very long time — and Skara Brae is by no means unique. A home of forty-five hundred years ago from the Indus Valley, at a place called Mahenjo-Daro, had a nifty system of rubbish chutes to get waste out of the living area and into a midden. Ancient Babylon had drains and a sewage system. The Minoans had running water, bathtubs, and other civilizing comforts well over thirty-five hundred years ago. In short, cleanliness and generally looking after one’s body have been important to a lot of cultures for so long that it is hard to know where to begin.

The ancient Greeks were devoted bathers. They loved to get naked — gymnasium means “the naked place” — and work up a healthful sweat, and it was their habit to conclude their daily workouts with a communal bath. But these were primarily hygienic plunges. For them bathing was a brisk business, something to be gotten over quickly. Really serious bathing — languorous bathing — starts with Rome. Nobody has ever bathed with as much devotion and precision as the Romans did.

The Romans loved water altogether — one house at Pompeii had thirty taps — and their network of aqueducts provided their principal cities with a superabundance of fresh water. The delivery rate to Rome worked out at an intensely lavish three hundred gallons per head per day, seven or eight times more than the average Roman needs today.

To Romans the baths were more than just a place to get clean. They were a daily refuge, a pastime, a way of life. Roman baths had libraries, shops, exercise rooms, barbers, beauticians, tennis courts, snack bars, and brothels. People from all classes of society used them. “It was common, when meeting a man, to ask where he bathed,” writes Katherine Ashenburg in her sparkling history of cleanliness, The Dirt on Clean. Some Roman baths were built on a truly palatial scale. The great baths of Caracalla could take sixteen hundred bathers at a time; those of Diocletian held three thousand.

A bathing Roman sloshed and gasped his way through a series of variously heated pools — from the frigidarium at the cold end of the scale to the calidarium at the other. En route he or she would stop in the unctorium (or unctuarium) to be fragrantly oiled and then forwarded to the laconium, or steam room, where, after the bather worked up a good sweat, the oils were scraped off with an instrument called a strigil to remove dirt and other impurities. All this was done in a ritualistic order, though historians are not entirely agreed on what that order was, possibly because the specifics varied from place to place and time to time. There is quite a lot we don’t know about Romans and their bathing habits — whether slaves bathed with free citizens, how often or lengthily people bathed, or with what degree of enthusiasm. Romans themselves sometimes expressed disquiet about the state of the water and what they found floating in it, which doesn’t suggest that they were all necessarily as keen for a plunge as we generally suppose them to be.

It seems, however, that for much of the Roman era the baths were marked by a certain rigid decorum, which assured a healthy rectitude, but that as time went on life in the baths — as with life in Rome generally — grew increasingly frisky, and it became common for men and women to bathe together and, possibly but by no means certainly, for females to bathe with male slaves. No one really knows quite what the Romans got up to in there, but whatever it was it didn’t sit well with the early Christians. They viewed Roman baths as licentious and depraved — morally unclean if not hygienically so.

Christianity was always curiously ill at ease with cleanliness anyway, and early on developed an odd tradition of equating holiness with dirtiness.…

Then in the Middle Ages the spread of plague made people consider more closely their attitude to hygiene and what they might do to modify their own susceptibility to outbreaks. Unfortunately, people everywhere came to exactly the wrong conclusion.…

synchronicity, creepy puppets, and ancient conceptions of the afterlife

AnubisI started watching a documentary about ventriloquism over the weekend. This is not a topic that often comes up. Then last night, we were watching a 2nd-season episode of Dollhouse and there was some mention of ventriloquism. Even just that much already felt like synchronicity. Then this morning, I discover in my email inbox that wordsmith.org‘s word of the day is — wait for it — ventriloquism.

What feels even more dominant as a new theme is Ancient Egypt. Our family book right now is Theodosia and the Serpents of Chaos, which, despite being in the middle of it, I can’t recommend highly enough. I wish I’d read books like this when I was a kid (or had such books read to me, since I didn’t really read until I was a teenager).

Just in time for my family’s new obsession, the British Museum is holding an exhibition on the The Book of the Dead:

Among all the varied ideas contained in The Book of the Dead manuscripts there is no sense anywhere that the scribes were setting down history for posterity. Neither is there, Taylor says, any striving for objectivity in the way sentiments are expressed. Instead, the papyri are a practical piece of political and spiritual spinning, a means to an end delivered at an agreed price.

And yet because these papyri deal with fear and death and hope, they cannot help but provide an immensely absorbing window into the minds and emotions of an ancient society. Their images and hieroglyphs, known to every schoolchild, have now become the emblem of all that is mysterious to us about this remote culture. Yet the study of the complex transformation the ancient Egyptians hoped they would undergo in death is oddly humanising. In their imaginative scheme to defeat mortality and to be reunited with lost members of their family, they are somehow almost recognisable.

"Book of the Dead: Scroll down and learn how to die like an Ancient Egyptian," guardian.co.uk

ursine simile redux

Oppenheimer‘s analogy continues:

To return to the comparison of the herdsman and the bear, there are in the desert, beside the bear who guards the bees, other bears who also lust after honey. But our tribe of herdsmen blocks their way, and protects its beehives by force of arms. The peasants become accustomed, when danger threatens, to call on the herdsmen, whom they no longer regard as robbers and murderers, but as protectors and saviors.

the bear necessities

My previous post used Kurosawa’s classic 1954 film The Seven Samurai to illustrate the basic components of Franz Oppenheimer‘s conquest theory of the state.

I wrote,

If the bandits had won, would they have destroyed the village, raped the women, packed off the rice, and gone elsewhere? Maybe. But the fact that they invest so heavily in attacking the village suggests that they don’t have anywhere else to go. If that’s the case, then they can’t afford to destroy the village. How would they eat next year? Better to take some large fraction, but leave the villagers with enough to survive another year, and to survive well enough to bring about another harvest.

Once again, where I appeal to Kurosawa for my analogy, Oppenheimer himself reaches for the bear:

The herdsman in the first stage is like the bear, who for the purpose of robbing the beehive, destroys it. In the second stage he is like the bee-keeper, who leaves the bees enough honey to carry them through the winter.

His analogy is more concise and probably more effective than mine. So far so good, but Oppenheimer’s next point caught me completely off guard:

Great is the progress between the first stage and the second. Long is the forward step, both economically and politically. In the beginning, as we have seen, the acquisition by the tribe of herdsmen was purely an occupying one. Regardless of consequences, they destroyed the source of future wealth for the enjoyment of the moment. Henceforth the acquisition becomes economical, because all economy is based on wise housekeeping, or in other words, on restraining the enjoyment of the moment in view of the needs of the future. The herdsman has learned to “capitalize.” It is a vast step forward in politics when an utterly strange human being, prey heretofore like the wild animals, obtains a value and is recognized as a source of wealth. Although this is the beginning of all slavery, subjugation, and exploitation, it is at the same time the genesis of a higher form of society, that reaches out beyond the family based upon blood relationship. We saw how, between the robbers and the robbed, the first threads of a jural relation were spun across the cleft which separated those who had heretofore been only “mortal enemies.” The peasant thus obtains a semblance of right to the bare necessaries of life; so that it comes to be regarded as wrong to kill an unresisting man or to strip him of everything.

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